‘It saddens me that the judiciary appears to have lost the initiative’

Posted in CONSTITUTION, DEMOCRACY by NNLRJ INDIA on February 3, 2010

Justice J S Verma in The Indian Express

With the debate over judicial accountability raging, former Chief Justice of India J.S. VERMA weighs in on the need for self-regulation,and explains his dissenting opinion in the Veeraswami case

A serious debate is now raging about the inadequacy of the existing mechanism for enforcing the judicial accountability of any erring judge in a High Court or in the Supreme Court. There is now a general consensus that some recent incidents involving a few in the higher judiciary has exposed the inadequacy of the existing provisions to deal with the situation; and it calls for an effective mechanism to enforce the judicial accountability of the higher judiciary, in case of need… It must be borne in mind that the number of erring superior judges is minuscule which must not embarrass the vast majority of correct judges. The threat to the independence of the judiciary must be averted by a sensible balancing act…



Focus on some important areas is needed. A few of these were identified in my separate opinion in the K.Veeraswami case, and the majority opinion in the Second Judges case. A brief mention of these in the present context is helpful. In the K.Veeraswami case, 1991 (3) SCC 655 my dissent recognised the felt need for suitable legislation, the existing provision being inadequate, to ensure accountability of higher judiciary protecting judicial independence.

Therein, I had said: “If there is now a felt need to provide for such a situation, the remedy lies in suitable legislation for the purpose of preserving the independence of judiciary free from likely executive influence while providing a proper and adequate machinery for investigation into allegations of corruption against such constitutional functionaries and for their trial and punishment… The social sanction of their own community was visualised as sufficient safeguard with impeachment and removal from office under Article 124(4) being the extreme step needed, if at all. It appears that the social sanction of the community has been waning and inadequate of late. If so, the time for legal sanction being provided may have been reached”.

Having been convinced that the majority opinion in the K.Veeraswami case was not workable (as proved by later events), I added a warning in one para at the end of my draft dissent, which I omitted at the time of its pronouncement because of its strong language. The apprehension therein of a later intrusion by the executive to prescribe for us having now come true, it may help to recall that sentiment with the hope that some prestige may be salvaged even now in enactment of the impending legislation to cover the field. I believe that self-regulation is dignified while outside imposition is demeaning. The omitted draft para from that opinion was: “With no pretensions of a ‘prophet with honour’, to borrow the title from Alan Barth’s compilation of opinions of some great dissenters, and no desire to be a prophet of doom, I deem it fit to end on a note of caution. My view is not shared by the majority. I hope they are right. But, if it be not so, let not posterity accuse us that the control over the judiciary denied to the executive by the Constitution and Parliament, and which the executive could not wrest through Parliament, was conferred on it by judicial craftsmanship itself. I do hope that in spite of the present clamour for the majority view, in calmer times, when present pressures, passions and fears subside, and the potential threat of the yet unknown and unexpected power in the executive without the requisite statutory safeguards is fully realised, there will be time enough to effectively check any intrusion into the independence of judiciary by this means. Undoubtedly, there is erosion of values in all spheres but even now the higher judiciary retains comparatively the greatest credibility in public eye, as it did in earlier times. Is it, therefore, correct and wise to vest the executive, which does not enjoy even equal, much less greater credibility, with this extra power not envisaged by the Constitution and the Parliament? The answer at present by the majority is in the affirmative, which would be the law. It is the future, which will unfold the true canvas.”

The need to regulate this area by internal discipline to prevent outside intrusion prompted resolutions to this effect in the Chief Justice’s conferences, but the general reluctance from within kept the matter in abeyance till the three resolutions were adopted unanimously by the Supreme Court on May 7, 1997: Restatement of Values in Judicial Life; Declaration of Assets by the Supreme Court and High Court judges; and ‘In-house Procedure’ for inquiry into allegations against these judges. These resolutions were later adopted in the Chief Justice’s Conference in 1999. The Bangalore Principles, 2002 also affirmed the Restatement of Values. These resolutions provided the framework for the needed legislation to cover the field without any scope for executive intrusion in enactment of the legislation. Before demitting the office of the CJI, I also wrote a letter on December 1, 1997 to the PM to this effect in a bid to ensure judicial accountability preserving the independence of the judiciary. After my retirement, I have reiterated it in a letter of April 7, 2005 to the present Prime Minister.

It saddens me to find that the judiciary appears to have lost the initiative and the political executive, who also control Parliament in our constitutional scheme, is now to determine the contents of the impending legislation. What troubles me even more is the reported initial assertion of the CJI, Balakrishnan, that the superior judges need not declare their assets unless bound to do so by a law, in spite of the unanimous resolution of the Supreme Court on May 7, 1997 since that has only moral authority; and later the judicial challenge to applicability of the RTI Act in the High Court and then to itself! I am distressed at the comments made publicly and heard privately about the higher judiciary in this context. However, the subsequent dilution of that stand is welcome news. The perception that law alone and not morality binds the judiciary is in conflict with the judicial tradition and is disturbing…

Extracts from the first S. Govind Swaminadhan Memorial Lecture at the Madras High Court on January 29, 2010

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